𝓔𝓵𝓮𝔃𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓲 𝓔𝓾𝓻𝓸𝓹𝓮𝓮: 𝓹𝓮𝓻 𝓬𝓸𝓼𝓪 𝓿𝓸𝓽𝓲𝓪𝓶𝓸?

𝓔𝓵𝓮𝔃𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓲

Interessante stralcio di una profonda analisi del filosofo Giorgio Agamben sulle imminenti elezioni del “Parlamento Europeo” . Uno scritto che sarebbe utile leggere prima di partecipare alle elezioni del 8-9 giugno. Considerata, tra l’altro, la grande influenza che le norme europee hanno sulla nostra vita quotidiana, sulla credibilità della nostra Costituzione e quindi implicitamente sulla tenuta della nostra democrazia.

La prima domanda da farsi, ancor prima di chiedersi per chi votare, dovrebbe infatti essere: ma per cosa votiamo ? Giorgio Bruzzone

𝑬𝒖𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒂 𝒐 𝒍’𝒊𝒎𝒑𝒐𝒔𝒕𝒖𝒓𝒂

𝙴̀ 𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚋𝚊𝚋𝚒𝚕𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚋𝚎𝚗 𝚙𝚘𝚌𝚑𝚒 𝚏𝚛𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚕𝚘𝚛𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚜𝚒 𝚊𝚙𝚙𝚛𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚗𝚘 𝚊 𝚟𝚘𝚝𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚙𝚎𝚛 𝚕𝚎 𝚎𝚕𝚎𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚒 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚎 𝚜𝚒 𝚜𝚒𝚊𝚗𝚘 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚛𝚘𝚐𝚊𝚝𝚒 𝚜𝚞𝚕 𝚜𝚒𝚐𝚗𝚒𝚏𝚒𝚌𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚒𝚝𝚒𝚌𝚘 𝚍𝚎𝚕 𝚕𝚘𝚛𝚘 𝚐𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚘. 𝙿𝚘𝚒𝚌𝚑𝚎́ 𝚜𝚘𝚗𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚒𝚊𝚖𝚊𝚝𝚒 𝚊 𝚎𝚕𝚎𝚐𝚐𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚞𝚗 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚖𝚎𝚐𝚕𝚒𝚘 𝚍𝚎𝚏𝚒𝚗𝚒𝚝𝚘 «𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚕𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚘», 𝚎𝚜𝚜𝚒 𝚙𝚘𝚜𝚜𝚘𝚗𝚘 𝚌𝚛𝚎𝚍𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚙𝚒𝚞̀ 𝚘 𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚘 𝚒𝚗 𝚋𝚞𝚘𝚗𝚊 𝚏𝚎𝚍𝚎 𝚍𝚒 𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚛 𝚏𝚊𝚌𝚎𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚚𝚞𝚊𝚕𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚊 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚛𝚛𝚒𝚜𝚙𝚘𝚗𝚍𝚎 𝚊𝚕𝚕’𝚎𝚕𝚎𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚍𝚎𝚒 𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚕𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚒 𝚍𝚎𝚒 𝚙𝚊𝚎𝚜𝚒 𝚍𝚒 𝚌𝚞𝚒 𝚜𝚘𝚗𝚘 𝚌𝚒𝚝𝚝𝚊𝚍𝚒𝚗𝚒.

𝙴̀ 𝚋𝚎𝚗𝚎 𝚜𝚞𝚋𝚒𝚝𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚒𝚊𝚛𝚒𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚕𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚎 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚗𝚗𝚘 𝚊𝚜𝚜𝚘𝚕𝚞𝚝𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚒̀.

𝚀𝚞𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚜𝚒 𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚕𝚊 𝚘𝚐𝚐𝚒 𝚍𝚒 𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊, 𝚒𝚕 𝚐𝚛𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚎 𝚛𝚒𝚖𝚘𝚜𝚜𝚘 𝚎̀ 𝚒𝚗𝚗𝚊𝚗𝚣𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚕𝚊 𝚜𝚝𝚎𝚜𝚜𝚊 𝚛𝚎𝚊𝚕𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚒𝚝𝚒𝚌𝚊 𝚎 𝚐𝚒𝚞𝚛𝚒𝚍𝚒𝚌𝚊 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕’𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊. 𝙲𝚑𝚎 𝚜𝚒 𝚝𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚒 𝚍𝚒 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚊 𝚎 𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚛𝚒𝚊 𝚛𝚒𝚖𝚘𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎, 𝚛𝚒𝚜𝚞𝚕𝚝𝚊 𝚍𝚊𝚕 𝚏𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚜𝚒 𝚎𝚟𝚒𝚝𝚊 𝚒𝚗 𝚝𝚞𝚝𝚝𝚒 𝚒 𝚖𝚘𝚍𝚒 𝚍𝚒 𝚙𝚘𝚛𝚝𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚊𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚌𝚒𝚎𝚗𝚣𝚊 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚒𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚝𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚒𝚖𝚋𝚊𝚛𝚊𝚣𝚣𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚚𝚞𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚎𝚟𝚒𝚍𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎. 𝙼𝚒 𝚛𝚒𝚏𝚎𝚛𝚒𝚜𝚌𝚘 𝚊𝚕 𝚏𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚍𝚊𝚕 𝚙𝚞𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚒 𝚟𝚒𝚜𝚝𝚊 𝚍𝚎𝚕 𝚍𝚒𝚛𝚒𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚊𝚕𝚎, 𝚕’𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚎𝚜𝚒𝚜𝚝𝚎: 𝚚𝚞𝚎𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚒𝚊𝚖𝚒𝚊𝚖𝚘 «𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊» 𝚎̀ 𝚝𝚎𝚌𝚗𝚒𝚌𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚞𝚗 𝚙𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚏𝚛𝚊 𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚒, 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚗𝚌𝚎𝚛𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚜𝚌𝚕𝚞𝚜𝚒𝚟𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚒𝚕 𝚍𝚒𝚛𝚒𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚗𝚊𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚊𝚕𝚎 . 𝙸𝚕 𝚝𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚒 𝙼𝚊𝚊𝚜𝚝𝚛𝚒𝚌𝚑𝚝, 𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚒𝚗 𝚟𝚒𝚐𝚘𝚛𝚎 𝚗𝚎𝚕 𝟷𝟿𝟿𝟹, 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚑𝚊 𝚍𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚕𝚊 𝚜𝚞𝚊 𝚏𝚘𝚛𝚖𝚊 𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚞𝚊𝚕𝚎 𝚊𝚕𝚕’𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊, 𝚎̀ 𝚕’𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚛𝚎𝚖𝚊 𝚜𝚊𝚗𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕’𝚒𝚍𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚎 𝚖𝚎𝚛𝚘 𝚊𝚌𝚌𝚘𝚛𝚍𝚘 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚐𝚘𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚗𝚊𝚝𝚒𝚟𝚘 𝚏𝚛𝚊 𝚂𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚒. 𝙲𝚘𝚗𝚜𝚊𝚙𝚎𝚟𝚘𝚕𝚒 𝚍𝚎𝚕 𝚏𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚕𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚍𝚒 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚍𝚎𝚖𝚘𝚌𝚛𝚊𝚣𝚒𝚊 𝚛𝚒𝚜𝚙𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚊𝚕𝚕’𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚊𝚟𝚎𝚟𝚊 𝚙𝚎𝚛𝚝𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚜𝚎𝚗𝚜𝚘, 𝚒 𝚏𝚞𝚗𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚊𝚛𝚒 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕’𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊 𝚑𝚊𝚗𝚗𝚘 𝚌𝚎𝚛𝚌𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚒 𝚌𝚘𝚕𝚖𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚚𝚞𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚎𝚏𝚒𝚌𝚒𝚝 𝚍𝚎𝚖𝚘𝚌𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚒𝚌𝚘 𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚕𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚒𝚕 𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚐𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚒 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚒𝚍𝚍𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊.

𝙴̀ 𝚜𝚒𝚐𝚗𝚒𝚏𝚒𝚌𝚊𝚝𝚒𝚟𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚒𝚕 𝚝𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚟𝚊 𝚜𝚘𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚚𝚞𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚘 𝚗𝚘𝚖𝚎, 𝚎𝚕𝚊𝚋𝚘𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚖𝚒𝚜𝚜𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚒 𝚍𝚒 𝚋𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚌𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚒 𝚜𝚎𝚗𝚣𝚊 𝚊𝚕𝚌𝚞𝚗 𝚏𝚘𝚗𝚍𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚙𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚎 𝚊𝚙𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚟𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚊 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚗𝚏𝚎𝚛𝚎𝚗𝚣𝚊 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚐𝚘𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚗𝚊𝚝𝚒𝚟𝚊 𝚗𝚎𝚕 𝟸𝟶𝟶𝟺, 𝚚𝚞𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚎̀ 𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚜𝚘𝚝𝚝𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚘 𝚊𝚕 𝚟𝚘𝚝𝚘 𝚙𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚊𝚛𝚎, 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚎 𝚒𝚗 𝙵𝚛𝚊𝚗𝚌𝚒𝚊 𝚎 𝚒𝚗 𝙾𝚕𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚊 𝚗𝚎𝚕 𝟸𝟶𝟶𝟻, 𝚎̀ 𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚌𝚕𝚊𝚖𝚘𝚛𝚘𝚜𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚛𝚒𝚏𝚒𝚞𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚘. 𝙳𝚒 𝚏𝚛𝚘𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚊𝚕 𝚏𝚊𝚕𝚕𝚒𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕’𝚊𝚙𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚟𝚊𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚙𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚊𝚛𝚎, 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚍𝚒 𝚏𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚛𝚎𝚗𝚍𝚎𝚟𝚊 𝚗𝚞𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝚕𝚊 𝚜𝚎𝚍𝚒𝚌𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎, 𝚒𝚕 𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚐𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚏𝚞 𝚝𝚊𝚌𝚒𝚝𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 – 𝚎 𝚏𝚘𝚛𝚜𝚎 𝚋𝚒𝚜𝚘𝚐𝚗𝚎𝚛𝚎𝚋𝚋𝚎 𝚍𝚒𝚛𝚎 𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚐𝚘𝚐𝚗𝚘𝚜𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 – 𝚊𝚋𝚋𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚘𝚗𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚎 𝚜𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚒𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚊 𝚞𝚗 𝚗𝚞𝚘𝚟𝚘 𝚝𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚗𝚊𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚊𝚕𝚎, 𝚒𝚕 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚒𝚍𝚍𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚃𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚒 𝙻𝚒𝚜𝚋𝚘𝚗𝚊 𝚍𝚎𝚕 𝟸𝟶𝟶𝟽. 𝚅𝚊 𝚍𝚊 𝚜𝚎́ 𝚌𝚑𝚎, 𝚍𝚊𝚕 𝚙𝚞𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚒 𝚟𝚒𝚜𝚝𝚊 𝚐𝚒𝚞𝚛𝚒𝚍𝚒𝚌𝚘, 𝚚𝚞𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚘𝚌𝚞𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚎̀ 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎, 𝚖𝚊 𝚎̀ 𝚊𝚗𝚌𝚘𝚛𝚊 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚟𝚘𝚕𝚝𝚊 𝚞𝚗 𝚊𝚌𝚌𝚘𝚛𝚍𝚘 𝚝𝚛𝚊 𝚐𝚘𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚗𝚒, 𝚕𝚊 𝚌𝚞𝚒 𝚜𝚘𝚕𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚗𝚜𝚒𝚜𝚝𝚎𝚗𝚣𝚊 𝚛𝚒𝚐𝚞𝚊𝚛𝚍𝚊 𝚒𝚕 𝚍𝚒𝚛𝚒𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚗𝚊𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚊𝚕𝚎 𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚌𝚒 𝚜𝚒 𝚎̀ 𝚙𝚎𝚛𝚝𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚐𝚞𝚊𝚛𝚍𝚊𝚝𝚒 𝚍𝚊𝚕 𝚜𝚘𝚝𝚝𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚛𝚛𝚎 𝚊𝚕𝚕’𝚊𝚙𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚟𝚊𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚙𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚊𝚛𝚎. 𝙽𝚘𝚗 𝚜𝚘𝚛𝚙𝚛𝚎𝚗𝚍𝚎, 𝚙𝚎𝚛𝚝𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚘, 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚒𝚕 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚒𝚍𝚍𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚘 𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚕𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚜𝚒 𝚝𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚊 𝚍𝚒 𝚎𝚕𝚎𝚐𝚐𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚜𝚒𝚊, 𝚒𝚗 𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚒𝚝𝚊̀, 𝚞𝚗 𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚕𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚘, 𝚙𝚎𝚛𝚌𝚑𝚎́ 𝚎𝚜𝚜𝚘 𝚖𝚊𝚗𝚌𝚊 𝚍𝚎𝚕 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚍𝚒 𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚛𝚛𝚎 𝚕𝚎𝚐𝚐𝚒, 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚎̀ 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚗𝚎𝚕𝚕𝚎 𝚖𝚊𝚗𝚒 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝙲𝚘𝚖𝚖𝚒𝚜𝚜𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊.

(…) 𝚂𝚎 𝚎̀ 𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚒𝚕 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚒𝚝𝚘 𝚙𝚛𝚎𝚜𝚞𝚙𝚙𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚞𝚗 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎, 𝚕’𝚒𝚍𝚎𝚊 𝚍𝚒 𝚞𝚗 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚘 𝚎̀ 𝚒𝚕 𝚐𝚛𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚎 𝚊𝚜𝚜𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚗𝚎𝚒 𝚍𝚒𝚜𝚌𝚘𝚛𝚜𝚒 𝚜𝚞𝚕𝚕’𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊.

𝙳𝚊𝚕 𝚙𝚞𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚍𝚒 𝚟𝚒𝚜𝚝𝚊 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝚜𝚞𝚊 𝚙𝚛𝚎𝚝𝚎𝚜𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎, 𝚕’𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚑𝚊 𝚙𝚎𝚛𝚝𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚊𝚕𝚌𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚕𝚎𝚐𝚒𝚝𝚝𝚒𝚖𝚒𝚝𝚊̀. 𝙴̀ 𝚊𝚕𝚕𝚘𝚛𝚊 𝚙𝚎𝚛𝚏𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚙𝚛𝚎𝚗𝚜𝚒𝚋𝚒𝚕𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚒𝚝𝚒𝚌𝚊 𝚜𝚎𝚗𝚣𝚊 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚕𝚎𝚐𝚒𝚝𝚝𝚒𝚖𝚊 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚙𝚘𝚜𝚜𝚊 𝚎𝚜𝚙𝚛𝚒𝚖𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚒𝚝𝚒𝚌𝚊 𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚛𝚒𝚊. 𝙻𝚊 𝚜𝚘𝚕𝚊 𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚟𝚎𝚗𝚣𝚊 𝚍𝚒 𝚞𝚗𝚒𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚜𝚒 𝚛𝚊𝚐𝚐𝚒𝚞𝚗𝚐𝚎 𝚚𝚞𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚕’𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊 𝚊𝚐𝚒𝚜𝚌𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚎 𝚟𝚊𝚜𝚜𝚊𝚕𝚕𝚘 𝚍𝚎𝚐𝚕𝚒 𝚂𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚒 𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚝𝚒, 𝚙𝚊𝚛𝚝𝚎𝚌𝚒𝚙𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚊 𝚐𝚞𝚎𝚛𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚌𝚘𝚛𝚛𝚒𝚜𝚙𝚘𝚗𝚍𝚘𝚗𝚘 𝚒𝚗 𝚊𝚕𝚌𝚞𝚗 𝚖𝚘𝚍𝚘 𝚊𝚍 𝚒𝚗𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚎𝚜𝚜𝚒 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚞𝚗𝚒 𝚎 𝚊𝚗𝚌𝚘𝚛 𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚘 𝚊𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝚟𝚘𝚕𝚘𝚗𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚙𝚘𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚊𝚛𝚎.

𝙻’𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊 𝚊𝚐𝚒𝚜𝚌𝚎 𝚘𝚐𝚐𝚒 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚎 𝚞𝚗𝚊 𝚜𝚞𝚌𝚌𝚞𝚛𝚜𝚊𝚕𝚎 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝙽𝙰𝚃𝙾 (𝚕𝚊 𝚚𝚞𝚊𝚕𝚎 𝙽𝙰𝚃𝙾 𝚎̀ 𝚊 𝚜𝚞𝚊 𝚟𝚘𝚕𝚝𝚊 𝚞𝚗 𝚊𝚌𝚌𝚘𝚛𝚍𝚘 𝚖𝚒𝚕𝚒𝚝𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚏𝚛𝚊 𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚒).

𝙿𝚎𝚛 𝚚𝚞𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚘, 𝚛𝚒𝚙𝚛𝚎𝚗𝚍𝚎𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚗𝚘𝚗 𝚝𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚙𝚘 𝚒𝚛𝚘𝚗𝚒𝚌𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚕𝚊 𝚏𝚘𝚛𝚖𝚞𝚕𝚊 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝙼𝚊𝚛𝚡 𝚞𝚜𝚊𝚟𝚊 𝚙𝚎𝚛 𝚒𝚕 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚞𝚗𝚒𝚜𝚖𝚘, 𝚜𝚒 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚛𝚎𝚋𝚋𝚎 𝚍𝚒𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚕’𝚒𝚍𝚎𝚊 𝚍𝚒 𝚞𝚗 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚘 𝚎̀ 𝚕𝚘 𝚜𝚙𝚎𝚝𝚝𝚛𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚜𝚒 𝚊𝚐𝚐𝚒𝚛𝚊 𝚘𝚐𝚐𝚒 𝚙𝚎𝚛 𝚕’𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊 𝚎 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚗𝚎𝚜𝚜𝚞𝚗𝚘 𝚘𝚜𝚊 𝚘𝚐𝚐𝚒 𝚎𝚟𝚘𝚌𝚊𝚛𝚎. 𝙴𝚙𝚙𝚞𝚛𝚎 𝚜𝚘𝚕𝚘 𝚞𝚗 𝚝𝚊𝚕𝚎 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚙𝚘𝚝𝚛𝚎𝚋𝚋𝚎 𝚛𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚒𝚛𝚎 𝚕𝚎𝚐𝚒𝚝𝚝𝚒𝚖𝚒𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚎 𝚛𝚎𝚊𝚕𝚝𝚊̀ 𝚊𝚕𝚕𝚎 𝚒𝚜𝚝𝚒𝚝𝚞𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚒 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚎, 𝚌𝚑𝚎 – 𝚜𝚎 𝚒𝚖𝚙𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚘𝚛𝚎 𝚎̀ 𝚜𝚎𝚌𝚘𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚒 𝚍𝚒𝚣𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚊𝚛𝚒 «𝚌𝚑𝚒 𝚒𝚖𝚙𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚊𝚍 𝚊𝚕𝚝𝚛𝚒 𝚍𝚒 𝚌𝚛𝚎𝚍𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚎 𝚊𝚕𝚒𝚎𝚗𝚎 𝚍𝚊𝚕 𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚘 𝚎 𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚛𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚜𝚎𝚌𝚘𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚚𝚞𝚎𝚕𝚕𝚊 𝚌𝚛𝚎𝚍𝚞𝚕𝚒𝚝𝚊̀» – 𝚜𝚘𝚗𝚘 𝚊𝚕𝚕𝚘 𝚜𝚝𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚊𝚝𝚝𝚞𝚊𝚕𝚎 𝚗𝚒𝚎𝚗𝚝’𝚊𝚕𝚝𝚛𝚘 𝚌𝚑𝚎 𝚞𝚗’𝚒𝚖𝚙𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚞𝚛𝚊.

𝚄𝚗’𝚊𝚕𝚝𝚛𝚊 𝚒𝚍𝚎𝚊 𝚍𝚎𝚕𝚕’𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊 𝚜𝚊𝚛𝚊̀ 𝚙𝚘𝚜𝚜𝚒𝚋𝚒𝚕𝚎 𝚜𝚘𝚕𝚘 𝚚𝚞𝚊𝚗𝚍𝚘 𝚊𝚟𝚛𝚎𝚖𝚘 𝚜𝚐𝚘𝚖𝚋𝚛𝚊𝚝𝚘 𝚒𝚕 𝚌𝚊𝚖𝚙𝚘 𝚍𝚊 𝚚𝚞𝚎𝚜𝚝𝚊 𝚒𝚖𝚙𝚘𝚜𝚝𝚞𝚛𝚊.

𝙿𝚎𝚛 𝚍𝚒𝚛𝚕𝚊 𝚜𝚎𝚗𝚣𝚊 𝚒𝚗𝚏𝚒𝚗𝚐𝚒𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚒 𝚗𝚎́ 𝚛𝚒𝚜𝚎𝚛𝚟𝚎: 𝚜𝚎 𝚟𝚘𝚐𝚕𝚒𝚊𝚖𝚘 𝚙𝚎𝚗𝚜𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚟𝚎𝚛𝚊𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎 𝚞𝚗’𝙴𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚊 𝚙𝚘𝚕𝚒𝚝𝚒𝚌𝚊, 𝚕𝚊 𝚙𝚛𝚒𝚖𝚊 𝚌𝚘𝚜𝚊 𝚍𝚊 𝚏𝚊𝚛𝚎 𝚎̀ 𝚝𝚘𝚐𝚕𝚒𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚍𝚒 𝚖𝚎𝚣𝚣𝚘 𝚕’𝚄𝚗𝚒𝚘𝚗𝚎 𝚎𝚞𝚛𝚘𝚙𝚎𝚊 –, 𝚘 𝚚𝚞𝚊𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚘, 𝚎𝚜𝚜𝚎𝚛𝚎 𝚙𝚛𝚘𝚗𝚝𝚒 𝚙𝚎𝚛 𝚒𝚕 𝚖𝚘𝚖𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚘 𝚒𝚗 𝚌𝚞𝚒 𝚎𝚜𝚜𝚊, 𝚌𝚘𝚖𝚎 𝚜𝚎𝚖𝚋𝚛𝚊 𝚘𝚛𝚖𝚊𝚒 𝚒𝚖𝚖𝚒𝚗𝚎𝚗𝚝𝚎, 𝚌𝚛𝚘𝚕𝚕𝚎𝚛𝚊̀